PERJUANGAN USNO BELUM SELESAI

UNITED SABAH NATIONAL ORGANIZATION (USNO) (Pertubuhab Kebangsaan Sabah Bersatu) PARTI POLITIK Parti politik ialah suatu pertubuhan Politik di mana ahlinya mempunyai ideologi serta agendanya yang tersendiri. Matlamat utama ialah untuk membentuk Kerajaan, supaya ideologi mereka boleh dijadikan dasar kerajaan dan diamalkan oleh Rakyat jelata. Justru itu ahli-ahli Parti Politik biasanya akan bertanding di dalam Pilihan raya. Sebahagian Parti yang lemah atau tidak terpengaruh akan bergabung dengan parti kerajaan atau parti yang lebih besar dan menjadi sebuah barisan parti politik. Hak untuk menubuhkan serta menjadi ahli parti politik adalah suatu Hak Asasi Manusia iaitu di bawah Artikel 21 - Hak untuk mengambil bahagian dalam kerajaan negaranya. Oleh itu, parti kerajaan yang menyekat kebangkitan parti-parti politik boleh dianggap sebagai mengamalkan “politik totalitarian” kerana hendak memonopolikan Kerajaan dan menyekat perkembangan parti2 lain (pembangkang). PENUBUHAN PERTUBUHAN KEBANGSAAN SABAH BERSATU(USNO) Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Sabah Bersatu adalah Parti Politik berbilang kaum ditubuh pada 24hb December, 1961 yang berpusat di Sabah, Malaysia. Parti ini diasaskan oleh Tun Datu Mustapha Datu Harun, Ketua Menteri ketiga Sabah. Parti ini berjaya memerintah selepas memenangi pilihanraya negeri 1967. USNO kekal berkuasa sehingga 1975 di bawah kepimpinan Tun Mustapha, dan sehingga 1976 di bawah Mohamed Said Bin Keruak. Sebelum pembentukan Malaysia pada 16 September, 1963, USNO memainkan peranan penting dalam kerjasama dengan Parti United Pasok Pasok Momogun yang ditubuh oleh Datuk G.S Sundang pada tahun 1962-1964 dan United National Kadazan Organization ditubuh bulan Ogos 1961-1864, Parti United Pasok Pasok Momogun (Pasok) dan United Kadazan Organization (UNKO) bergabung menjadi United Pasok-Momogun Kadazan Organization (UPKO) pada 1964-1967 dipimpin oleh Tun Fuad Stephens, dalam mendapat kemerdekaan daripada Great Britain melalui penyertaan dalam Persekutuan Malaysia. MATALAMAT PERJUANGAN USNO Matalamat Penubuhan Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Sabah Bersatu (United Sabah National Organization - USNO) adalah untuk menyahut cabaran untuk merealisasikan kemasukan dalam Sabah dalam gagasan Malaysia. Sesungguhnya USNO adalah merupakan sebuah parti yang di anggotai semua bangsa rakyat Sabah. Pindik kata sebuah parti berbilang kaum. Pada peringkat cadangan gagasan Malaysia USNO yang di pimpin oleh Tun Mustapha Harun bersama-sama dengan dua parti kebangsaan yang lain ia itu Parti Kebangsaan Pasok-Momogun Murut Organization (PMO) yang dianggotai oleh orang-orang Dusun dan Murut dipimpin oleh Datuk G.S Sundang dan United National Kadazan Organization (UKNKO) masing2 telah membuat penelitian dan cadangan2 kepada jawatankuasa perundingan Perpaduan Malaysia (JPMM) yang telah ditubukan pada 23hb Julai 1962 dipengerusikan oleh Tun Mohd Fuad Stephens, Tun Mustapha Harun mewakili bagi rakyat Sabah dalam Jawatankuasa itu, Sarawak di wakili oleh Temanggung Jugah anak Berieng, Tunku Abdul Rahman mewakili Tanah Melayu, Brunei diwakili oleh Dato’ Setia pengiran Ali manakala Singapura di wakili oleh Lee Kuan Yew. Antara tujuan pembentukan Jawatankuasa Perundingan Perpaduan Malaysia (JPMM) ialah: 1. Mengebahkan kepada orang ramai mengenai gagasan pembentukan Malaysia. 2. Mengumpul maklumat berhubung dengan sambutan rakyat terhadap gagasan Malaysia. 3. Menyendiakan memorandum berkaitan dengan cara pembentukan Malaysia. JPMM berperanan sebagai forum yang memberi ruang dari ruang dan peluang kepada pemimpin2 sabah untuk mengemukakan pandangan mengenai gagasan Malaysia. Ia telah bersidang empat kali iaitu di Kota Kinabalu (dahulu Jesselton) pada 21hb Ogos 1961, di Kuching18hb Disember 1961, di Kuala Lumpur 6hb Jabuari 1962 dan di Singapura 1hb Febuari 1862. Susulan daripada persidangan itu, Sarawak mengeluarkan kertas puteh mengenai Malaysia pada 4hb Januari 1962 dan sabah pada 31hb januari 1962 untuk membawa kepada penyusunan semula memorandum yang telah dihantar kepada Suruhanjaya Cobbold pada 23hb Febuari 1962. Kandungan memorandum itu ialah: 1. Perlembagaan tanah melayyu 1957 menjadi asas perlembagaan Malaysia.2. Kerajaan persekutuan berkuasa dalam hubungan luar, pertahanan dan keselamtan. 2. Islam menjadi agama rasmi tetapi bebas beragama. 3. Sarawak dan Sabah tidak ada agama rasmi. 4. Bahasa melayu menjadi bahasa Kebangsaan tetapi bahasa2 lain masih boleh digunakan. 5. Hak istimewa orang Melayu juga diberi kepada pribumi Sabah dan Sarawak. 6. Sabah dan Sarawak berhak mengawal imigresennya sendiri. 7. Perwakilan Parlimen berasaskan jumlah penduduk dan jumlah kawasan. Memorandum ini telah dipersetujui dan disokong oleh rakyat Sabah dan sarawak, Singapura dan tanah Melayu. PENUBUHAN SURUHANJAYA COBBOLD Suruhanjaya Cobbold telah ditubuhkan pada 19hb Januari 1962 dipengerusikan oleh Lord Cobbold bekas Gaboner Bank of England dengan ahlinya Sir Anthony Abel dan Sir David Watherston selaku wkil British, Muhammad Ghazali Shafie dan Dato’ Wong Pau Nee yang mewakili Tanah Melayu. Tugas Suruhanjaya cobbold ini ialah: 1. Meninjau pandangan rakyat sabah dan Sarawak mengenai penubuhan Malaysia. 2. Membuat syor-syor Perlembagaan. Suruhanjaya ini telah menjalankan tugasnya dari 19hb Febuari sehingga 18hb April 1962 dan telah melakukan 5o perjumpaan dengan 690 kumpulan. Selainitu, lebih daripada 2,000 memorandum telah diterima. Pada 18hb April1962 laporan telah telah siapkan dan diserahkan kepadKerajaan tanah melayu dan British pada bulan Jun 1962. LAPORAN SURUHANJAYA COBBOLD Laporan mengenai rakyat pandangan sabah dan Sarawak itu kemudiannya diumumkan pada 1hb Ogos 1962. Laporan itu menyatakan: 1. Satu pertiga (1/3) menyokong kuat pembentukan gagasan Malaysia; 2. Satu pertiga (1/3) menyokong dengan syarat; 3. Satu pertiga (1/3) hendak merdeka dahulu sebelum menyertai Malysaa. Berdasakna kepada laporan ini, Suruhanjaya Cobbold turut menyokong gagasan Malaysia dan menyokong syor-syor Perlembagaan Malaysia seperti berikut: 1. Nama Persekutuan adalah Malaysia bukan Melayu Raya. 2. Perlembagaan tanah melayu 1957 menjadi asas kepada Perlembagaan Malaysia. 3. Kedudukan pribumi Sabah dan sarawak terjamin. 4. Sabah dan Sarawak berhak memilih Ketua negeri sendiri. 5. Penduduk pribumi Sabah dan sarawak dibenarkan berkhidmat dalam perkhidmatan awam secepat mungkin. 6. Dasar pendidikan, iimigresen, perwakilan parlimen, kedudukan Bumiputra, kewangan, kewarganegaraan dan Perlembagaan negeri Sabah dan Sarawak ditentukan oleh majlis Undangan negeri masing-masing. 7. Bahasa melayu adalah bahasa kebangsaan. Bagaimanapun Sabah dan Sarawak dibenarkan menggunakan bahasa Inggeris sebagai bahasa rasmi sehingga Dewan Negeri masing-masingmembuat pindaan. Syor-syor yang dikemukakan diterima oleh British dan diumumkan pada 1hb Ogos 1962. Berikutan itu Malaysia akan ditubuh pada 31hb Ogos, 1963. Pengumuma iti disusuli dengan penubuhan Jawatankuasa Antara Kerajaan bagi merangka Perlembagaan Persekutuan Malaysia. PENGUMUMAN PENERIMAAN PENERIMAAN PEMBENTUKAN MALAYSIA Berikutan Pengumuman penerimaan pembentukan Negara malaysia pada 1hb Ogos 1962 pemimpin-pemimpin Sabah masing2 telah menubuhkan parti politik tujuan untuk memipmin rakyat dan bangsa mereka melalui parti politik. Tun Mohd Fuad Stephens, nama Donld Stephens ketika itu telah menubuh sebuah parti United National Kadazan Organization khas untuk orang2 Kadazan beragama Keristian pada bulan Ogos 1961, Datuk G.S Sundang menubuh parti United Pasok-Momogun Organization khusus untuk orang2 Dusun dan Murut yang tiada ugama pada tahun 1962 dan Tun Mustapha Harun menubuh part United Sabah National Organization (USNO) khusus untuk semua tidak mengira bangsa dan ugama pada 24hb December, 1961. Kerajaan Sabah telah dibentuk melalui persefahaman parti2 politik sabah dengan membuat persetujuan DI MANA Yang di-Pertuan Negara di lantik pada parti USNO, manakal Ketua Menteri daripada parti UNKO, Timbalan Ketua Menteri daripada parti PMO dan menteri Kerja Raya daripada Sabah Chinese Assoction (SCA). Bagaimanapun, pada tahun 1964 UNKO dan PMO bergabung untuk memperkuatkan kedudukan orang2 Dusun, Kadazan dan Murut dalam Kerajaan Sabah. Pasok-Momogun Kadazan Organization dipimpin oleh Tun Fuad Stephens sebagai Presiden and Datuk G.S Sundang Timbalan Presiden merangkap Timbalan Ketua Menteri. Selepas Pilihanraya Umum Pertama pada 1967 USNO sudah menjadi sebuah parti pemerintah di Sabah berikutan kemasukan ahli-ahli UPKO ke Parti USNO. UPKO dibubarkan memberi laluan kepada parti USNO Parti yang ditubuh untuk berbilang kaum di Sabah. KEKUATAN DAN PENDIRIAN POLITIK USNO Penyertaan UPKO dalam USNO telah memberi kekuatan Kerajaan Negeri sabah menyuarakan tuntutan2 hak rakyat dan Negeri Sabah dari segi bentuk pengagihan kuasa, kekyaan sumber asli (minyak), kesaksamaaan peluang dalam jawatan2 Kerajan. Kelantangan suara USNO melalui Tun Mustapha harun, Presiden USNO telah membuat Tunku Abdul Rahman dan Tun Abdul Razak tidak menyenanginya kerana mereka sukar memonopolasi kuasa dalam Kerajaan Negeri sabah. Tun Abdul Razak telah membantu mendaftarkan Parti Bersatu Sabah, pimpinan Tun Fuad Stephens yang telah bersetuju merestui kuasa Federal keatas hal-ehwal Sabah. Dengan tertubuhnya Kerajaan Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata sabah pada June 1976 maka USNO telah menjadi lumpuh dan tidak lagi bermaya untuk melawan Kerajaan Pusat kerana ia sudah menjadi pembangkang dalam Kerajaan Negeri sabah. Bagaimanapu, Wakil-wakil Parlimen masih diberi Jawatan dalam Kabinet Pusat sehinggalah sampai pada Pilihanraya Parlimen tahun 1990. Selepas itu USNO tidak lagi boleh berbuat apa-apa kerana tidak adalagi wakil dalam kabinet sama ada dalam Kerajaan negeri mahupun Kerajaan Pusat. Kekuatan USNO menyerlah lagi pada Pilihanraya 1985 di mana ia telah memenangi hampir semua kerusi kawasan2 yang ramai penduduk Islam menyababkan Parti Berjaya tersungkur. Malang menimpa USNO di mana Parti Bersatu Sabah yang telah pada awalnya bersetuju USNO sebagai rakan sekutu memerintah Negeri Sabah. Parti Bersatu Sabah tidak mengotakan janjinya kerana parti itu memperolehi bilangan kerusi yang membolehkannya memerintah sendiri. USNO sekali lagi dipinggirkan daipada Kerajaan Negeri Sabah. PRINSIP SABAH UNTUK SABAH Prinsip Kerajaan Parti Bersatu Sabah yang mengamalkan perjungan “Sabah untuk orang Sabah – Sabah for Sabahans” telah keluar dari pangkuan Barisan Nasional pada tahun 1995 membuat Pemimpin-pemimpin Kuala Lumpur amat kecewa dan marah dan sekali lagi membantu calon-calon UMNO yang kesemuanya pemimpin2 dari Parti USNO melawan PBS habis-habisan sehingga USNO kalah hanya dengan dua kerusi. USNO telah memerintah kembali bila dua darpada wakil rakyat PBS Datuk Lajim Ukin dan Robin Balang menyertai UMNO. USNO dan Berjaya telah bekerjasama membawa UMNO ke Negeri Sabah pada 1990an dan kejatuhan Kerajaan PBS berlaku selepas kemasukan UMNO ke Sabah. Memeng UMNO nampak bahawa USNO adalah satu-satunya Parti yang boleh bangkit semula di Negeri Sabah dan yang akan menjadi penghalang kepada semua misi politik Kuala Lumpur. Kekeciwaan USNO dengan penipuan PBS menyebabkan hilangnya pertimbangan dan pemikiran pemimpin-pemimpin USNO. Mereka sudah terperangkap dalam jerat UMNO dan sudah lupa kepada perjuangan asas penubuhan USNO pada 24hb December, 1961. Perjuangan asal USNO untuk rakyat sabah sudah terkubur kerana matalamat dan tujuan yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Parti USNO sudah tidak terpakai lagi sama ada dalam UMNO atau Parti2 Barisan Nasional dalam Neegeri Sabah. Kita lihat dan nampak dengan jelas semua parti2 itu ditubuh untuk mengejar jawatan menteri dan memberakangkan kepentingan rakyat. Kita tidaklah keterlaluan bila kita mengatakan pemimpin2 dalam parti2 itu adalah kadam-kadam Kuala Lumpur. UNITED SABAH NATIONAL ORGANIZATION (UANO Baru) Semenjak penyertaan pemimpin2 USNO terdahulu ke dalam UMNO, beberapa pemimpin Sabah telah cuba menghidupkan semula USNO tetapi malang ditentang habis-habisan oleh Barisan Nasional terutama Parti UMNO menyebabkan ROS tidak berupaya melayan permohonan pendaftaran semula Parti USNO Sabah. Matalamat dan Perjuangan asal USNO dan pemimpin2 USNO terdahulu yang kita semua anggap paling penting dan bererti untuk rakyat jelata Sabah sudah terbangkalai. Penubuhan kembali USNO baru adalah untuk memberi tahu rakyat akan datang bahawa Parti USNO lah yang membawa Sabah masuk Malaysia dengan tujuan utama memperjuangkan nasib rakyat dan Negeri Sabah. Sejarah USNO sebagai Parti pejuang untuk bangsa, rakyat dan Negeri Sabah mulai dari 1hb Mei 2014 ini kita akan terus susuli dan laksanakan agenda-agenda asal parti USNO itu. Syukur kerana lahir seorang pemimpin baru yang tabah dan berani dari kalangan Pemimpin Bajau, Tuan Haji Dulli berasal dari Kampung Putatan, Sabah disokong bersama oleh pemimpin2 Dusun, Murut, Kadazan, Rungus dan Brunei seluruh Sabah telah mendapat petunjuk dariNya dan telah berjaya mendaftarkan semula USNO dengan Pendaftar Pertubuhan Malaysia (ROS) pada 5hb Mei, 2014. Tuan Haji Dulli selaku Presiden USNO yang baru telah menggariskan beberapa matalamat perjuangan USNO, pimpinan pemimpin2 baru yang berwawasaan dan yang tidak mengamalkan Kepimpinan atau Kuasa “Kuku besi”. Antara matalamat utama yang akan diperjuangkan oleh USNO BARU ialah untuk mendapatkan pembelaan nasib Rakyat dan Negara Sabah seperti: • Untuk memastikan kewujudan kesaksamaan, kestabilan, kemakmuran, kemewahan dan kesejehteraan Rakyat Sabah dalam Malaysia supaya sentiasat terjaga dan terjamin. • Memprtahan dan menjaga Sabah dan hak2 Sabah dalam Malaysia; Menjunjung dan menjaga serta mempertahankan adat-adat dan kebudayaan Rakyat Sabah. • Menghormati kebebasan beragama di Negeri Sabah seperti yang termaktub dalam Perlembagaan Negera Sabah. Tuan Haji Dulli Tiasih berikrar untuk memperjuang dan mendapatkan hak2 rakyat Sabah dan kesaksamaan dalam Malaysia selepas lima puluh (50) tahun mendeka melalui penyertaan dalam Persekutuan Malaysia (Federation of Malaysia). Dia ingin melihat Sabah di layan sama seperti Negeri2 di Semenanjung dan Sarawak dan menikmati semua kemewahan yang terkandung dalam Perjanjian 20 perkara (20 Points Agreement) yang telah diproklamasikan oleh Tunku Abdul Rahman, Perdana Menteri Malaysia Pertama pada 16hb September, 1963. Disamping itu beliau berikrar akan bersama-sama dengan parti-parti lain yang ada di Negeri Sabah ini untuk menuntut balik mana-mana yang telah dimansuhkan daripada Perjanjian yang telah di persetujui dikembalikan kepada rakyat dan Negeri Sabah. USNO ujar beliau akan sentiasa menyokong mana-mana polisi dan perancangan pembangunan baik dan berfaedah yang dilaksanakan oleh Kerajaan yang mentadbir dan yang akan mentadbir Kerajaan Sabah. USNO juga akan bertindak sebagai mata rakyat dan akan bersuara untuk memperbetulkan mana2 kepincangan yang dilakukan oleh Kerajaan melalui saluran2 yang betul dan bukan dibuat secara memberontak. Tuan Haji Dulli Tiaseh berkata USNO akan memperbanyakkan keahliannya disemua 26 Bahagian yang sudah tertubuh dan akan menubuhkan Bahagian2 yang baru di seluruh Sabah. Melalui kajian yang telah dibuat sebelum permohonan pendaftaran semula dikemukakan masih ramai penyukung tegar USNO dan tidak pernah memasuki mana-mana parti menunggu USNO dihidupkan semula. Ramai juga mantan-mantan pemimpin-pemimpin dari tahun 1965 yang masih hidup dan telah menyertai semula parti USNO serta bergiat aktif berjuang kembali untuk menyambung perjuangan yang telah mereka tinggalkan dahulu. Antara keluhan yang kita ketahui ialah kekesalan mereka di atas kesilapan pemimpin-pemimpin meninggal, membubar dan melupakan perjuangan murni USNO. Apa pun yang telah terjadi pahit atau manisnya kita telan dan kita perbetulkan kesalahan-kesalahan mereka itu dengan azam baru dan semangat baru dengan seruan “HIDUP USNO! - HIDUP SABAH!”. AHLI MAJLIS TERTINGGI USNO BAGI TAHUN 2014/2017 Presiden : Haji Dulli Dulli Timbalan Presiden : Capt (R) Awang Damit Mohamad Setiausaha Agung : Serin @ Hasrin Hj Awang Tim Set. Agung : Muhammad Said Bendahari Agung : Rang Rainah binti Hj Abd Ghani Ahli MT : Mohd Salleh Mohd Lin, : Ismail Mohd Said, : Abd Sani Marif, : Mohd Abdillah Timbasal, : Jaidah Pilang @ Matusin, : Ramdan @ Mandy Gudan, : Manshur OKK Mohd Yassin, : Tahir Mushin, : Perais Sharif Baba, : Rodziah Perinsil, : Irian Nanang, : Ahmad Awang. PROCLAMATION OF SABAH In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful, Praise to God, the Lord of the Universe, and may the benediction and peace of God be upon Our Leader Muhammad and upon all his Relations and Friends. WHEREAS by an Agreement made on the Ninth day of July in the year one thousand nine hundred and sixty-three between the Federation of Malaya, the United Kingdom, North Borneo, Sarawak and Singapore it was agreed that there shall be federated the States of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore with the Federation of Malaya comprising the states of Pahang, Trengganu, Kedah, Johore, Negri Sembilan, Kelantan, Selangor, Perak, Perlis, Penang[1] and Malacca, and that the Federation shall thereafter be called "MALAYSIA": AND WHEREAS it has been agreed by the parties to the said Agreement that as from the establishment of Malaysia the States of Sabah, Sarawak and Singapore shall cease to be colonies of Her Majesty the Queen and Her Majesty the Queen shall relinquish Her Sovereignty and jurisdiction in respect of the three States: AND WHEREAS there has been promulgated a Constitution for Malaysia which shall be the supreme law therein: AND WHEREAS by the Constitution aforesaid provision has been made for the safeguarding of the rights and prerogatives of Their Highnesses the Rulers and the Fundamental rights and liberties of subjects and for the promotion of peace and harmony in Malaysia as a constitutional monarchy based upon parliamentary democracy: AND WHEREAS the Constitution aforesaid having been approved by a law passed by the Parliaments of the Federation of Malaya and of the United Kingdom has come into force on the Sixteenth day of September in the year one thousand nine hundred and sixty-three: NOW in the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful, I, TUNKU ABDUL RAHMAN PUTRA AL-HAL IBNI ALMARHUM SULTAN ABDUL HAMID HALIM SHAH, Prime Minister of Malaysia, with the concurrence and approval of His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong of the Federation of Malaya, His Excellency the Yang di-Pertuan Negara of Singapore, His Excellency the Yang di-Pertuan Negara of Sabah and His Excellency the Governor of Sarawak, DO HEREBY DECLARE AND PROCLAIM on behalf of the peoples of Malaysia that as from the Sixteenth day of September in the year one thousand nine hundred and sixty-three, corresponding to the twenty-eighth day of Rabi'ul Akhir in the year of the Hijrah one thousand three hundred and eighty-three, that MALAYSIA comprising the States of Pahang, Trengganu, Kedah, Johore, Negri Sembilan, Kelantan, Selangor, Perak, Perlis, Penang,[1] Malacca, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak shall by the Grace of God, the Lord of the Universe, forever be an independent and sovereign democratic State founded upon liberty and justice, ever seeking to defend and uphold peace and harmony among its people and to perpetuate peace among nations. Prime Minister Kuala Lumpur 16th day of September 1963 PERJANJIAN 20 PERKARA (Agreement 20 Points) Point 1: Religion While there was no objection to Islam being the national religion of Malaysia there should be no State religion in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah), and the provisions relating to Islam in the present Constitution of Malaya should not apply to Borneo. Point 2: Language *a. Malay should be the national language of the Federation *b. English should continue to be used for a period of 10 years after Malaysia Day *c. English should be an official language of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) for all purposes, State or Federal, without limitation of time. Point 3: Constitution Whilst accepting that the present Constitution of the Federation of Malaya should form the basis of the Constitution of Malaysia, the Constitution of Malaysia should be a completely new document drafted and agreed in the light of a free association of states and should not be a series of amendments to a Constitution drafted and agreed by different states in totally different circumstances. A new Constitution for Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) was of course essential. Point 4: Head of Federation The Head of State in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should not be eligible for election as Head of the Federation Point 5: Name of Federation “Malaysia” but not “Melayu Raya” Point 6: Immigration Control over immigration into any part of Malaysia from outside should rest with the Central Government but entry into Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should also require the approval of the State Government. The Federal Government should not be able to veto the entry of persons into Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) for State Government purposes except on strictly security grounds. Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should have unfettered control over the movements of persons other than those in Federal Government employ from other parts of Malaysia Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah). Point 7: Right of Secession There should be no right to secede from the Federation Point 8: Borneanisation Borneanisation of the public service should proceed as quickly as possible. Point 9: British Officers Every effort should be made to encourage British Officers to remain in the public service until their places can be taken by suitably qualified people from Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) Point 10: Citizenship The recommendation in paragraph 148(k) of the Report of the Cobbold Commission should govern the citizenship rights in the Federation of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) subject to the following amendments: * a) sub-paragraph (i) should not contain the proviso as to five years residence * b) in order to tie up with our law, sub-paragraph (ii)(a) should read “7 out of 10 years” instead of “8 out of 10 years” * c) sub-paragraph (iii) should not contain any restriction tied to the citizenship of parents – a person born in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) after Malaysia must be federal citizen. Point 11: Tariffs and Finance Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should retain control of its own finance, development and tariff, and should have the right to work up its own taxation and to raise loans on its own credit. Point 12: Special position of indigenous races In principle, the indigenous races of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should enjoy special rights analogous to those enjoyed by Malays in Malaya, but the present Malays’ formula in this regard is not necessarily applicable in Borneo(Sarawak & Sabah) Point 13: State Government * a) the Prime Minister should be elected by unofficial members of Legislative Council * b) There should be a proper Ministerial system in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) Point 14: Transitional period This should be seven years and during such period legislative power must be left with the State of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) by the Constitution and not be merely delegated to the State Government by the Federal Government Point 15: Education The existing educational system of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should be maintained and for this reason it should be under state control Point 16: Constitutional safeguards No amendment modification or withdrawal of any special safeguard granted to Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) should be made by the Central Government without the positive concurrence of the Government of the State of North Borneo The power of amending the Constitution of the State of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) shouldbelong exclusively to the people in the state. (Note: The United Party, The Democratic Party and the Pasok Momogun Party considered that a three-fourth majority would be required in order to effect any amendment to the Federal and State Constitutions whereas the UNKO and USNO considered a two-thirds majority would be sufficient) Point 17: Representation in Federal Parliament This should take account not only of the population of Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah) but also of its seize and potentialities and in any case should not be less than that of Singapore Point 18: Name of Head of State Yang di-Pertua Negara Point 19: Name of State Sarawak or Sabah Point 20: Land, Forests, Local Government, etc. The provisions in the Constitution of the Federation in respect of the powers of the National Land Council should not apply in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah). Likewise, the National Council for Local Government should not apply in Borneo (Sarawak & Sabah). PERJUANGAN TUN MUSTAPHA DALAM USNO For Malaysian old enough to remember, the name Tun Mustapha Harun stirs vivid memories of the late 1960s and early 1970s when the lean, chain smoking, charismatic figure ruled the East Malaysian state of Sabah with an iron hand. “Maybe I am the most criticized, most maligned man in this part of the world,” he says with a chuckle. “(But) I tell you the people here still love me.” The stuff of legends at 67 still draws a crowd when he speaks and sees himself as “still young.” Says he: “I have ten children. And maybe a few more to come.” Born in a section of Sulu royal family that fled to Borneo about a century ago, Mustapha in 1934 joined the British North Borneo Company that owned Sabah, beginning as an office boy in the district office in Kudat. When Sabah became a British Colony after the war, Mustapha was already the paramount chief of the Muslims in the Kudat area. In 1955 he was appointed to the colony’s legislative and executive councils making his entry into politics. Last week Mustapha granted a rare interview. In the Kota Kinabalu office of the Muslim Welfare Organisation that he heads, lie talked to Asiaweek’s Assif Shameen for two hours about the past and present. Excerpts: In 1963 Mustapha was appointed Governor of Sabah when the British colony joined the Federation of Malaysia. Only a year before, Mustapha had formed the United Sabah National Organisation but the role of Chief Minister went to Donald Stephens, a charismatic Kadazan leader. Mustapha and Stephens soon became sworn enemies and Mustapha was accused of interfering in state politics when his role was merely constitutional head. I was Governor for 18 months. It was really terrible. I felt like a big bird in a small cage. I couldn’t do anything. Stephens would never listen to me. He thought as he was Chief Minister he had a licence to do anything. I told him as Governor I too had some powers. We clashed a few times but it all came out in the open towards the end of 1964 when he presented me with a text of the policy speech that I was to deliver at the assembly. The clash was about how the administration should work. The text of speech was very inadequate and I told him to go away and make amends. He told me that Governors was only supposed to read the speeches prepared by the Chief Minister. I told him the Governor had every right to make changes. So the next day I stood up at the Assembly and read out a different speech. I had added new paragraphs and discarded some of Stephens’ text. He was horrified and complained to Tunku Abdul Rahman. In my speech I stressed multiracialism and improving the standard of life and educating the rural people. When Tunku heard my side of the story he said Mustapha is right. Rural development is important and we must have balance because there are so many races in Sabah”. In early 1965 Mustapha resigned as Governor saying he couldn’t work with Stephens. Soon after his resignation was accepted the Tunku asked Stephens to join the federal government as minister for Sabah Affair. In August 1965 Singapore was ousted from the Malaysian Federation and Stephens, a close friend of Lee Kwan Yew, resigned his ministerial post. Mustapha was invited to replace him. “I join the Federal Government on the persuasion of Tunku. He tried for three days and at the end of every day I used to tell him ‘I don’t want to be a minister in the Federal Government.’ I don’t know why I took it but I realized that there were going to be elections in Sabah soon and my eyes were on the State Government. I reorganized USNO and the same time Stephens was busy reorganizing his party, UPKO [United Pasok-Momogun Kadazan Organisation]. In the 1967 elections, UPKO won 12 seats, USNO 14 and the balance was with Sabah Chinese Association which had 5 seats. There was one Chinese independent. I got the SCA to join hands with USNO so I became Chief Minister in 1967. In the late 60s there were no major political problems in Sabah. Stephens left politics, dissolved UPKO and merged it with USNO. Our relations with the Federal Government were very good. Tunku was the closest friend I had”. But soon after Tunku stepped down as Prime Minister, Mustapha began to have problem with the Federal Government which thought he was increasingly charting an independent course for Sabah. His battles with Premier Tun Abdul Razak and Deputy Premier Tun Dr Ismail are legendary. “I had nothing personal against Tun Razak or Dr Ismail. It was always on policy matters. One big clash I had with Razak was over foreign policy. He thought as Sabah Chief Minister I had no right to interfere in foreign affairs. I was saying this is federation. Everyone has say in the running of foreign affairs. In 1973 he began to make statements that he wanted to normalize relations with China. I am an anti-communist. But I have nothing against the Russian people or the Chinese people. I just don’t like their system, that’s all. All my life has been spent in a free system. So when Tun Razak started talking about normalizing relations with China I flew to Kuala Lumpur, I said to him ‘Tun, are you crazy? How can we have good ties with the bloody communist?’ At that time even the U.S didn’t recognize China. I asked Razak why Malaysia should have relations with China. He said to me there were four objectives he wanted to accomplish on his China trip. One, he wanted China to persuade the communist guerilla in the jungle and the border to scale down or stop the war against Malaysian forces. Two, he wanted China to support the region to be neutralized. Three, he was planning elections in 1974 and didn’t want a repetition of 1969 when the Chinese voters deserted the alliance and voted for the opposition. Four, he wanted Chinese support for the Straits of Malacca to become territorial water. I told him he’d be lucky if Mao or Chau En-lai would agree to even consider one concession he wanted from them. I told him I know the mentality of communist leaders. In the end I was proven right. As far as the Chinese voters are concerned, I told him there is nothing to worry about as long as they are in a minority. If Chinese are smaller in number there is nothing they can do politically. But Razak would not listen. He kept saying ‘Mustapha, you don’t understand foreign policy.’ I told him ‘Yes, I do understand. It is you, Tun, who don’t appreciate my point.’ So we clashed and quarreled. The clashes between the two men led to a point of no return and Razak wanted Mustapha removed from his position. He offered Mustapha appointment in Kuala Lumpur as Defence Minister but Mustapha turned it down. In mid-1974 Razak began wooing Mustapha again. “I knew all along he wanted me out of Sabah. He told me that he was offering me the Defence Minister because he wanted to consolidate power in Kuala Lumpur. I was like a brother to him. Despite our differences on policy we are good friend. Financial, material, moral, whatever support he needed, I gave him. He used to call me ‘Mustapha, I want this.’ I would say ‘Right, OK’. When Razak insisted that I join the Federal as Defence Minister I said, I will on one condition: I have a free hand in running the ministry and strengthening the county’s defence by beefing up our arsenal with new sophisticated equipment. I took leave as chief minister and appointed my deputy as acting CM and went to Kuala Lumpur to prepare a working paper with the help of Gen. Mahmood Suleiman and a few others. Day and night the committee sat discussing what equipment should be bought from where. When Razak saw the working paper he said ‘Wow, this is very good. Now our defence will be very strong. But later he turned around and said, ‘This thing going to cost us a fortune, Mustapha. Where are we going to get all the money?’ I told him, ‘You just say you agree with the proposal. I will get the money.’ So I went to Ghaddafi in Libya and King Faisal of Saudi Arabia. It was 1975, Vietnam and Cambodia were falling to communist. Thailand and Malaysia were next. Gaddafi said, ‘Ye, we must have a strong Muslim nation in Southeast Asia.’ King Faisal was also very receptive to my idea. He said to me, ‘Go, buy the arms. Don’t worry about the repayment. If Malaysia has a fortune one day it can pay back Saudi Arabia. If not, never mind, I’ll share my money for the defence of my Muslim brother.’ You know I had 10 billion [Malaysian money] in pledges from Ghaddafi and King Faisal and some others. King Faisal said to me he would never allow a Muslim country like Malaysia to fall to communist” Once he had the pledges, Mustapha, officially still Sabah’s chief minister, flew around the globe wrapping arms deals, much to the chagrin of Premier Razak and others in federal government who suspected that Mustapha’s main objective was to collect commissions. “I approached the Malaysian ambassador in Paris to ask the France defence minister whether he could have 25 Mirage fighters. I went to Washington to look for a big aircraft carrier. I told the British defence secretary that we were interested in 25 Phantom jet fighters. We were also in touch with the German to purchase a destroyer and some submarines. I was doing all these because I didn’t want to take over as defence minister of a weak nation. Once we had all this equipment, I told Razak, I will resign from Sabah and become defence minister. But before the plan could be finally approved Razak called me and said that he had been thinking about the whole thing. I said to him, ‘What is there to think about?, Ghaddafi is willing, Faisal says money no problem. If we have the money, why don’t we buy?’ But Razak said to me, ‘You don’t understand foreign policy. If we strengthen our defences our neighbor will be suspicious. China and Russia will be angry. There might be a war.’ I said, ‘Rubbish. The communist guerillas have been fighting a war with us for 30 years.’ I told him, when we have the arms we would have nobody to fear except god. But Razak said no. So I turned down the request to become defence minister. I wasn’t doing anything for money. It was Razak’s idea to make me defence. I tell you I have enough money without doing hanky-panky.” Mustapha bitterest dispute with Razak and other federal leaders was over the formation of Barisan Nasional, an expanded coalition that would include winning parties from all states besides all the Alliance members UMNO, MCA and MIC. Mustapha thought it was another plan to clip his wings and federal leaders saw his reluctance as further proof that he wasn’t interested in national integration and harmony. “The Barisan Nasional was a modified plan. The original idea of Tun Razak and Dr Ismail was to have one party system Razak told me one day. I think it was 1973, that after what happened in the 1969 general elections and the subsequent riots, he had concluded that a multi-party system was not for Malaysia. I said to him, ‘Tun, we have a democratic system. We can’t had our system with this one-party plan.’ Then he told me the plan was to merge UMNO, MCA, MIC and the rest. He said, ‘USNO will also have to merge.’ I told him there was no way USNO will merge with anybody. In a multiracial society every community must have its say. In a federation every State must have its say. He kept saying we had the system in 1969 and look what happened. Later he modified his plan and appointed Ghafar Baba to draft a constitution for Barisan. I think it was during this time he made up his mind that I should be removed from Sabah. He was only waiting for a right time to topple me. In 1975 BERJAYA was formed on the orders of Tun Razak. He encouraged Harris, Stephens and the others. I was also opposed to the initial draft of the Barisan constitution. All power was with Kuala Lumpur. It was like dictatorship. I told Tun Razak, ‘You can’t direct everything like the colonial office in London used to. We already have our Merdeka.’ But he amended the constitution. They call me dictator but I tell you I did more for democracy in Malaysia then any of the other leaders.” As he battled on against what he describes as federal interference. Mustapha reopen issue after issue, much to the annoyance of Kuala Lumpur. A key one was oil royalties. “I told Razak that Tunku had agreed that according to the 1963 agreement all natural resources would be shared between federal government and state government. In 1974 when oil prices began to move up I went to Razak and said before we talk about other things let us talk about oil. Offshore oil we share 50:50 with federal. Onshore we get 60, federal takes 40 percent. Razak said no. So I negotiated. After talks which went on for months, Razak agreed on 80:20 for both onshore and offshore, 20 percent for us, 80 percent for them. But before it could be finalized they toppled USNO and one of the first things they did was to get Berjaya to agree on a deal that gave them 95 percent of all oil royalties. If Sabah could maintain 20 percent of the oil royalties it would be a very rich state. But BERJAYA sold out on everything. They were puppets.” Federal leaders and his successors in the State Government called Mustapha’s administration autocratic and dictatorial. Books on Sabah’s contemporary history describe his government as being plagued corruption and economic mismanagement. “Those who accuse me of being autocratic and dictatorial are the ones committed misdeeds themselves. I was only a scapegoat. I don’t care what people say or write about me. It doesn’t matter. I got 16 seats and came very close to getting another five. After what they wrote and said about me you would think I couldn’t win a seat. But people are not fools. I ruled by consensus but Harris ruled by brute force. He was a minister in my cabinet but resigned to start his own business and bought a 10,000 acres rubber plantation. He chopped all the trees down, planted it with tapioca. I said to him, ‘Harris, you’re mad. Why cut these trees? But he said tapioca will make more money than rubber. He said he could sell to Taiwan, Thailand, Hong Kong. He invited me to inaugurate his factory. After a few months he was bankrupt so he came crying to me. ‘Tun, please help me.’ So I gave him some timber land to cover his outstanding loans with the bank. I got the state land development authority to take over his plantation. He was over extended. I had to keep helping and he kept coming back. Ungrateful. Harris says that I was a dictator. You can refer to minutes of cabinet meetings of USNO supreme council. It should be all there unless they have burnt them. There were discussions and then consensus. In the party there was democracy. I welcome suggestions. But sometimes in the party and the cabinet they said ‘No, Tun, you decide. We leave it to you.’ They wanted me to get the impression that they were very loyal to me. I didn’t know it then but I now realize what they were doing. They all wanted to make me happy so that I will give them timber land or some contract. But this is not dictatorship. Under Harris there was no democracy. He forced his decision on people. Before anybody could speak he used to say ‘I have decided that…’ In the party everything was engineered. He used to tell people, you stand for this post, you stand for that, you nominate this man, I’ll get you nominated by that man. If I was a dictator and autocrat you have to find another word for Harris, much worse. I admit many of my ministers were corrupted. Many close friends were also corrupt. They used my name to do all sorts of hanky-panky. They knew because I am a nice man and I don’t betray my friends, I won’t touch them. That’s how Sabah got this bad reputation of corruption. Most of this hanky-panky went on while I was away. I have family outside. I have so many business interests in London, in Australia, so I have to be away. Most of the ministers and my friends who applied for timber lands got them while I was away. My deputy gave them all. But I have to save his face and the face of others so I can’t do anything. Now they say Mustapha is a bad man. He is corrupt. My mistake was I just closed my eyes when all this was going on. Now my eyes are wide open. Under Harris there was more corruption. It is now all coming out.” In 1975, Mustapha angry at Kuala Lumpur’s interference and its campaign to trim his powers, threaten to pull Sabah out of Malaysia. At one point he even contemplated joining forces with the Sulu region in the Southern Philippines and Sarawak. Some aides say he toyed with the idea of becoming sultan of an expanded Sulu-Borneo state. “I never wanted to pull Sabah out of Malaysia. It was all lies perpetuated by the federal government and their agents here. I even appointed a committee to review the question of Sabah’s autonomy under the Malaysia Federation. The committee prepared a report on the things that we were to surrender to the federal government as the 10-year transitionary period under the 1963 agreement was over. I did say once or twice that we should leave Malaysia. It was more of a slip of tongue. Razak kept testing my patience. He provoked me and in anger I said, ‘look, if this sort of thing goes on we will take Sabah out of Malaysia.’ I remember saying if Singapore can be independent we can go too. But it was a slip of tongue under provocation. I was frustrated at the time. But the federal government capitalized on it and played it up. They made me look like a monster. But people know I am not anti-Malaysia. I have done many for Malaysia than many of the people who criticize me. One thing I will not stand is the colonizing of Sabah, whether it is by the federal government or any other country. Nobody can be allowed to colonise Sabah. I never wanted to merge Sabah with Sarawak or Sulu and Brunei and become sultan. This is the sort of rubbish that has been printed before. It is ridiculous. “Why should I want to become king or sultan? All the power was with the Chief Minister.” During Mustapha’s rule the issue of the Philippines’ claim to Sabah came to the boil. Amid growing rebellion in the southern Philippines, Mustapha helped form the Moro National Liberation Front. With Mustapha’s help the Muslim rebellion found Arab support. “As far as I am concerned there is really no claim. It was settled in 1939 by the British chartered company. There is a high court judgement to prove that. I personally stand to benefit if the claim was valid as I am one of the heirs of the Sulu sultan. But I know there is no claim. The federal government I think has a clever policy on the so called claim. They don’t ignore it altogether but they don’t entertain it either. Maybe they want to use it against the Sabah people as a bargaining item to make them behave. If Sabah people do anything they can say ‘Look, we will leave you to the Philippines.’ The story of MNLF is very straightforward. If you and I have a common enemy, will we do anything to help him? No, we will create problems for him. That was how MNLF came [about]. I was not the only one involved. Ghaddafi was involved, Kuala Lumpur was involved, other Muslim countries were involved, and so many people were involved. My role is 10 percent or 20 percent. You look at it this way: the Philippine armed forces were bombing the Sulu people so they came here for shelter. I helped refugee mainly because of human consideration, not political. Later it became a political matter. Even if I was one who created this MNLF it doesn’t mean I was involved in the war. Libya was giving arms. Others were giving money. I was only giving refuge to refugees. I never gave arms to anyone. Not to MNLF, not to anybody. You say arms went through Sabah. Well, I tell you I didn’t give permission to send them from here. Sabah is big state. I can’t be expected to check everybody.” Early on April 22, Mustapha was sworn in as Sabah Chief Minister after Pairin’s PBS won a majority in the Assembly. Mustapha says Pairin should have been called first to form the government, but says that it’s the governor’s prerogative to call anyone. Mustapha says he was lucky that he was called since he didn’t have a majority. No, he intends to get back the Chief Minister’s seat which he says is rightfully his. “At 2 a.m. Majid Khan a close friend to Harris came to see me with USNO leader Yahya Lampong and my son Abdul Hamid. They said [Deputy PM] Musa had given the blessing and green light for an USNO-BERJAYA coalition. I have no access to Musa. Even if I had how dare I have someone up at that time to check. I asked Majid Khan, ‘How are we going to form the government? It is USNO 16, Berjaya 6, PBS 26.’ By 2 a.m. I knew the whole result. Majid Khan said there are six nominated seats. I told him we must accept the will of the people. But he kept saying ‘Musa want you to take oath, the governor is waiting. Let’s go now.’ I went to the istana at 2.30 a.m. At about 3.30 a.m. I took the oath. Harris only called Musa at 3.40 a.m. We told the governor that we will be back at 7 a.m. with a list of nominated members and cabinet line-up. Cabinet was supposed to take oath at 7.30 a.m. When we came back to my house Majid Khan insisted he wanted to be appointed one of the six nominated members. BERJAYA would nominate 3, USNO 3. He said in cabinet it would be 4 for BERJAYA, 4 for USNO. I said ‘You are a fool. You win six seats; you want 4 ministers in the cabinet.’ No more discussion. Later in the morning I called Kuala Lumpur and I was told that Musa had already told Harris ‘no coalition with USNO.’ If not for Berjaya’s greed six members would have been nominated and cabinet sworn in at 7.30 a.m. No way could Pairin be sworn in. I tell you I am still the chief minister because the letter revoking my appointment is unconstitutional.”